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首页 > 人生哲学 > 一个隐居者及杀人犯的哲学:《工业社会及其未来》

一个隐居者及杀人犯的哲学:《工业社会及其未来》

2019-03-29 11:04 作者:人生的意义网 阅读:

《工业社会及其未来》
看到他这样子,我流泪了。

  希尔多·卡辛斯基(又译:泰德·卡辛斯基),16岁读哈佛的神童,曾经的伯克利大学数学系助理教授,
  蒙大拿州的隐士。他还有另外三重身份,17年连环爆炸案的主谋,恐怖份子,反科技“斗士”。
  自从1978年他自制的第一颗炸弹被西北大学的一位保安引爆,多年来,他一直孜孜不倦地向大学中高科技领域的研究者寄送炸弹,因为讨厌飞机,他也不忘给航空公司送去两颗自制的蹩脚货。所以,联邦调查局管他叫“大学航空炸弹怪客 ”——Unabomber(意为University+Airline+Bomber)。其实他也炸过电脑商铺的老板和公关公司的总裁,而且,把他们炸死了。
  联邦调查局追踪了他17年,一无所获,卡辛斯基说,“联邦调查局是个笑话。”对于一个智商170的数学家而言,这话算不得轻蔑。

隐居者
  卡辛斯基自称,在20岁那年,完成了自我对世界观的塑造。当时他正在哈佛大学数学系读大四,他意识到“人类对机器的依赖,使人类失去了自治的能力,剥夺了人类的自由。”于是渐渐生出了对科技—工业体制的幻灭感。
  由于性格本身的孤僻加上对工业文明社会的幻灭,卡辛斯基在30岁时远离人群,成了一名隐士。隐居之前,他是伯克利大学一名数学系助理教授。
  1972年,他在蒙大拿州林肯镇买下一块地,自己动手搭建了一个木头房子。屋子里没有电灯、电话、自来水。平日里他吃自己种的菜、猎的食,晚上点蜡烛看书,砍柴做饭取暖。
  “我放弃工业文明社会的原因是我发现了其他的生活方式,具体而言,就是原始人的生活方式。我11岁的时候读了一本关于史前人类的书,我觉得那种生活太棒了。”在他隐居的第一个10年,他学会了成为一个原始人所必备的各种生存技巧。
  如果工业文明的触角没有延伸到卡辛斯基所居住的小屋周围的话,大概他一辈子都会安静地这么过下去。“我并不是一个喜欢政治的人。如果没有人在这里砍树铺路的话,我会一直这么住下去,周围的一切也会各安其位。”但是在卡辛斯基隐居的第11个年头,游客们来到他小屋周围,彻底打破了他的宁静,“我非常地失望。从这时候开始,我决定回归(工业文明 )社会。我要报仇。”

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《工业社会及其未来》

INTRODUCTION
介绍
1. The Industrial Revolution and itsconsequences have been a disaster for the human race. They have greatlyincreased the life-expectancy of those of us who live in "advanced"countries, but they have destabilized society, have made life unfulfilling,have subjected human beings to indignities, have led to widespreadpsychological suffering (in the Third World to physical suffering as well) andhave inflicted severe damage on the natural world. The continued development oftechnology will worsen the situation. It will certainly subject human beings togreater indignities and inflict greater damage on the natural world, it willprobably lead to greater social disruption and psychological suffering, and itmay lead to increased physical suffering even in "advanced"countries.
1,工业革命及其后果为人类带来了极大的灾难。这两者极大地增加了我们这些生活在“发达”国家的人口的预期寿命,但也破坏了社会的稳定性,令生活空虚无谓,剥夺了人类的尊严,导致了心理疾病的扩散(以及第三世界里的生理疾病扩散),还严重地破坏了自然界。技术的继续发展将令上述情况进一步恶化。人类尊严必将遭到进一步剥夺,自然界也必将遭到进一步破坏。社会也很可能遭到进一步扰乱,心理困扰将会加剧,而生理疾病甚至将会在“发达”国家蔓延开来。
2. The industrial-technological system maysurvive or it may break down. If it survives, it MAY eventually achieve a lowlevel of physical and psychological suffering, but only after passing through along and very painful period of adjustment and only at the cost of permanentlyreducing human beings and many other living organisms to engineered productsand mere cogs in the social machine. Furthermore, if the system survives, theconsequences will be inevitable: There is no way of reforming or modifying thesystem so as to prevent it from depriving people of dignity and autonomy.
2,工业-技术体系可能幸存也可能崩溃。假如该体系幸存下来,可能最终将会降低生理与心理的痛苦水平,但在此之前必须经历一段漫长而痛苦的调整期,而且人类与众多其他生命体也将付出惨重代价,永远沦为社会机器上的齿轮。更有甚者,假如这个体系幸存下来,将会导致不可避免的后果:没有任何方法能够改革或改进这一体系,使之不至于剥夺人的尊严与自主。
3. If the system breaks down theconsequences will still be very painful. But the bigger the system grows themore disastrous the results of its breakdown will be, so if it is to break downit had best break down sooner rather than later.
3,假如这一体系崩溃,结果依旧会十分痛苦。但是体系规模越大,崩溃造成的结果就越可怕。因此假如真要崩溃的话最好赶早不赶迟。
4. We therefore advocate a revolutionagainst the industrial system. This revolution may or may not make use ofviolence: it may be sudden or it may be a relatively gradual process spanning afew decades. We can't predict any of that. But we do outline in a very generalway the measures that those who hate the industrial system should take in orderto prepare the way for a revolution against that form of society. This is notto be a POLITICAL revolution. Its object will be to overthrow not governmentsbut the economic and technological basis of the present society.,
4,所以我们主张发动针对工业体系的革命。这场革命可能使用或不使用暴力,可能突然完成也可能在几十年时间里相对循序渐进地进行。我们无法预测这一点。但是我们的确为那些憎恨工业体系的人们勾勒了一套十分宽泛的方法,从而为反对这一特定社会形式的革命铺平道路。这不是一场政治革命。革命目标并非推翻政府,而是颠覆现存社会的经济与技术基础。
5. In this article we give attention toonly some of the negative developments that have grown out of theindustrial-technological system. Other such developments we mention onlybriefly or ignore altogether. This does not mean that we regard these otherdevelopments as unimportant. For practical reasons we have to confine our discussionto areas that have received insufficient public attention or in which we havesomething new to say. For example, since there are well-developed environmentaland wilderness movements, we have written very little about environmentaldegradation or the destruction of wild nature, even though we consider these tobe highly important.
5,本文中我们仅仅关注了工业-技术体系所产生的所有负面发展中的一部分。其他此类发展我们则仅仅稍微提了一提或者干脆完全忽略了。这并不意味着我们认为此类负面发展不重要。出于实际考量我们必须将讨论范围局限于未曾获得足够公众注意或者我们有话要说的领域。例如,鉴于目前已经有了进展得力的环保与自然运动,我们对于环境恶化或自然破坏的话题并未多费笔墨,尽管我们认为这些问题极为重要。
THE PSYCHOLOGY OF MODERN LEFTISM
现代左派主义的心理
6. Almost everyone will agree that we livein a deeply troubled society. One of the most widespread manifestations of thecraziness of our world is leftism, so a discussion of the psychology of leftismcan serve as an introduction to the discussion of the problems of modernsociety in general.
6,几乎所有人都会同意我们生活在一个深度动荡的社会。我们这个社会的疯狂有许多广为传播的表现,左派主义就是其中之一。因此讨论左派主义心理有助于进一步开展针对现代社会一般性问题的讨论。
7. But what is leftism? During the firsthalf of the 20th century leftism could have been practically identified withsocialism. Today the movement is fragmented and it is not clear who canproperly be called a leftist. When we speak of leftists in this article we havein mind mainly socialists, collectivists, "politically correct"types, feminists, gay and disability activists, animal rights activists and thelike. But not everyone who is associated with one of these movements is aleftist. What we are trying to get at in discussing leftism is not so much amovement or an ideology as a psychological type, or rather a collection ofrelated types. Thus, what we mean by "leftism" will emerge moreclearly in the course of our discussion of leftist psychology (Also, seeparagraphs 227-230.)
7,但是左派主义是什么呢?在二十世纪前半段左派主义就等同于社会主义。今天这一运动已经分崩离析了,也很难说怎样的人才算是左派主义者。本文中所谓的左派主义者包括社会主义者、集体主义者、“政治正确”人士、女权主义者、同性恋与残疾人活动者,动物权益保护者以及其他类似群体。但并非所有与此类活动有所牵扯的人都一定是左派主义者。我们这里打算讨论的并非左派主义运动或者意识形态,而是左派运动的心理类型或者相关心理类型的集合。我们笔下“左派主义”的含义将会随着我们对于左派主义心理的讨论而越发清晰。(见227-230段)
8. Even so, our conception of leftism willremain a good deal less clear than we would wish, but there doesn't seem to beany remedy for this. All we are trying to do is indicate in a rough andapproximate way the two psychological tendencies that we believe are the maindriving force of modern leftism. We by no means claim to be telling the WHOLEtruth about leftist psychology. Also, our discussion is meant to apply tomodern leftism only. We leave open the question of the extent to which ourdiscussion could be applied to the leftists of the 19th and early 20th century.
8, 尽管如此,我们对于左派主义的概念依然赶不上我们的希望那样清晰,但是看来在这方面完全无计可施。我们在这里只想以粗略的方式指出我们眼中驱动现代左派主义的两大心理趋势。我们不敢声称已经穷尽了左派心理的所有事实。我们的讨论也仅局限于现代左派主义。至于我们的讨论究竟在多大程度上可以应用于十九世纪以及二十世纪初期的左派主义者,在此姑且存而不论。
9. The two psychological tendencies thatunderlie modern leftism we call "feelings of inferiority" and"oversocialization." Feelings of inferiority are characteristic ofmodern leftism as a whole, while oversocialization is characteristic only of acertain segment of modern leftism; but this segment is highly influential.
 
 


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